The controversial German philosopher is enjoying
renewed pop culture significance. We talked with director Ada Ushpiz to find
out why.
In
the 1960s, Hannah Arendt was a pariah; today, she’s a pop-cultural icon.
Hannah Arendt created the equivalent of a Twitter war in 1962 when she portrayed Nazi colonel and Holocaust organizer
Adolf Eichmann as an unthinking bureaucrat in a series of articles for The New Yorker. Old-guard
Jewish intellectuals preferred to think of Eichmann as a singularly evil man,
and to ignore that Jewish leaders may have been complicit in the genocide. They
found Arendt’s take as a fellow Jew and Holocaust survivor unfeeling, even
self-hating. Irate readers sent the German-Jewish philosopher hate mail; former
friends iced her out; even her colleagues at the progressive New School, where
she taught philosophy, asked her to drop her classes.
Nearly 50 years later, at a moment when words like “doxx” and “troll”
have entered the cultural vernacular, books and movies are rehabilitating
Arendt’s image for a new generation, and turning her into an unlikely pop cultural
icon. If you didn’t catch the Icon book about her resilience in the face of harassment post-Eichmann in Jerusalem,
or Daniel Maier-Katkin’s re-visitation of her controversial affair with Martin Heidegger, perhaps you saw the biopicfrom German feminist director Margarethe von Trotta in
2012. Von Trotta rendered Arendt as an unsung feminist hero, a lionization that
irked some critics — in The New Yorker, Richard
Brody called the movie a “hagiography” and a “tone-deaf attempt to
depict quotidian life in a grand sentimental mode”—and indicated the degree to
which feelings have shifted regarding Arendt. Writers ask now whether Eichmann was on trial, or Arendt, observing that
present-day attacks on Arendt’s personal life have “taken a desperate turn.”
“Today, we are experiencing another kind of
moral break.”
The latest of these re-visitations is the documentary Vita Activa:
The Spirit of Hannah Arendt, which premieres in Los Angeles today. Though it belongs
to the body of contemporary works
that are sympathetic to Arendt’s ideas, Israeli filmmaker
Ada Ushpiz is less interested in making Arendt out to be a feminist hero than
in exploring how she got her ideas: As Ushpiz writes in an early title card,
Arendt, who died in 1975, never experienced “the lingering relevance of her
ideas.”
While one can imagine that Arendt, author of The Origins of Totalitarianism,
would have quite a bit to say about Donald Trump 2016 and Guantánamo Bay, the
documentary presents Arendt’s ideas in historical context. Layering excerpts
from Arendt’s writings and interviews with her friends and critics over
documentary footage from Nazi Germany, Vita Activa evinces
a strong sense of restraint: If viewers find some similarities between the
images of fervent Nazi nationalism and the postures we see at Trump rallies, that’s
their prerogative. Ushpiz, whose guiding hand can be glimpsed only in editing,
seems to be challenging her audience to do a bit of one of Arendt’s favorite
activities: critical, individual thinking.
Still, we wondered: What contemporary events inspired Ushpiz to make her
film in the first place? And what surprised her during her research and
production process? In an interview with Pacific Standard, the
Israeli director talked to us about how Arendt’s most famous and misunderstood
concept, “the banality of evil,” might be operating in the world today, and why
Arendt’s body of work has inspired Ushpiz to support the two-state solution to
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We started the interview over the telephone
an hour before Usphiz’s flight from the United States to Amsterdam and finished
it over email.*
How did this movie get started
for you?
My intrigue came from the idea of the banality of evil. This idea
penetrates all levels of our lives — our
private life, social life, political life—to such a degree that this, for me, was the element that was extra salient. The movie
was really an attempt to understand what she meant by that, “the banality of
evil.” The concept itself is so [entrenched in our culture] that I wanted to
unload it somehow.
How do you personally see her
“banality of evil” thesis playing out in the world today?
The epitome of Arendt’s idea of banality of evil [is] the state of
thoughtlessness — where
one’s personal world is rinsed with cliches, norms, ideologies, and national
ethos, and when
words are no longer channels of thinking, but are instead sound boxes for
consensual background noise. It means that the individual becomes
indifferent enough to himself as human being and to his fellow people [that he
can] take part in any wickedness that functionality, or ideologies of his group
of interests or belonging can produce.
We see that all around us — for
instance, in genocides on different scales in Rwanda, Bosnia, Iraq, and in
Syria, done by people who are locked in ideologies and racism, which become their legitimate, normal, and victorious world. They will
usually be demonized by other [people], also penetrated by counter-racism and
ideologies, that wishes as well to distance itself from any thinking,
understanding, and responsibility for the world we create together. [But]
demonization is evil itself: By demonization one can also easily and logically
justify expulsion, building walls, transfer, nullifying masses of people, libel
them, etc. Incapability to think from the point of view of the other nourishes
the constant withdrawal into yourself and sustains egoistic processes in
private life and in economic and social systems — one
can see [that], among other examples, in the recent revival of neo-right trends
in America and Europe.
I personally see too much of it in Israel today, where national ethos
and a long history of victimization provides all the justifications and
“necessities” to go on with a corrupted occupation and yet to feel extremely
moral and just, to find satisfaction in the claim that we don’t have a partner
for peace — which
I personally believe to be untrue — and
disregard our human responsibility to do everything in our power, ceaselessly
and devotedly, to change our reality by respecting also the rights of
Palestinians to a state of themselves alongside Israel. Instead
we build more settlements, and an enhanced occupation, to make sure that our
first assumption that we don’t have a partner will prove to be true.
How did this movie get started
for you?
My intrigue came from the idea of the banality of evil. This idea
penetrates all levels of our lives — our
private life, social life, political life—to such a degree that this, for me, was the element that was extra salient. The movie
was really an attempt to understand what she meant by that, “the banality of
evil.” The concept itself is so [entrenched in our culture] that I wanted to
unload it somehow.
How do you personally see her
“banality of evil” thesis playing out in the world today?
The epitome of Arendt’s idea of banality of evil [is] the state of
thoughtlessness — where
one’s personal world is rinsed with cliches, norms, ideologies, and national
ethos, and when
words are no longer channels of thinking, but are instead sound boxes for
consensual background noise. It means that the individual becomes
indifferent enough to himself as human being and to his fellow people [that he
can] take part in any wickedness that functionality, or ideologies of his group
of interests or belonging can produce.
We see that all around us — for
instance, in genocides on different scales in Rwanda, Bosnia, Iraq, and in
Syria, done by people who are locked in ideologies and racism, which become their legitimate, normal, and victorious world. They will
usually be demonized by other [people], also penetrated by counter-racism and
ideologies, that wishes as well to distance itself from any thinking,
understanding, and responsibility for the world we create together. [But]
demonization is evil itself: By demonization one can also easily and logically
justify expulsion, building walls, transfer, nullifying masses of people, libel
them, etc. Incapability to think from the point of view of the other nourishes
the constant withdrawal into yourself and sustains egoistic processes in
private life and in economic and social systems — one
can see [that], among other examples, in the recent revival of neo-right trends
in America and Europe.
I personally see too much of it in Israel today, where national ethos
and a long history of victimization provides all the justifications and
“necessities” to go on with a corrupted occupation and yet to feel extremely
moral and just, to find satisfaction in the claim that we don’t have a partner
for peace — which
I personally believe to be untrue — and
disregard our human responsibility to do everything in our power, ceaselessly
and devotedly, to change our reality by respecting also the rights of
Palestinians to a state of themselves alongside Israel. Instead
we build more settlements, and an enhanced occupation, to make sure that our
first assumption that we don’t have a partner will prove to be true.
No hay comentarios:
Publicar un comentario